![]() He sees this alliance crumbling during the Perón period, and concludes by prophesying a merger of the lumpenproletariat and the proletariat to force a society based on equality and full participation for all.Īlthough his observations on the manners and mores of Buenos Aires society reveal a sharp and observant mind, Sebrelli’s analysis is frequently supported by questionable evidence. Couching his analysis in Marxist terms, he postulates the existence of an unwritten alliance between the aristocracy and middle classes, the latter unwilling agents of the former, struggling to maintain social distance below and to close the gap above. Sebrelli seeks to describe the social and psychological characteristics of the aristocracy, the upper and lower middle classes, and the proletariat. Both support their analyses with historical documentation. ![]() ![]() Juan José Sebrelli and Julio Mafud analyze contemporary Argentine society, each presenting an interpretation of the dominant factors in that society. The four books under review reflect this trend. Their attempts to discover the “why” and “how” of economic growth, social change, and societal development within a historical context has added a new and promising dimension to Latin American historiography. It is questionable whether these policy changes were accompanied by commensurate changes in the Peronist perception of Argentine nationalism and history unfortunately sources for the period, both primary and secondary, are as yet too thin to permit any useful speculations on this score.Argentine scholars during the past fifteen years have increasingly sought to apply to the phenomena of Argentine history the analytical tools and hypotheses developed by sociologists, political scientists, and economists. Because of Perón’s abrupt shifts in foreign, political, economic and clerical policies after 1953 the final two years of the regime have been largely omitted from this analysis. Due to these at present unavoidable lacunae this article is designed both to stimulate further research and present preliminary findings and hypotheses. In addition, local Peronist literature would be invaluable in ascertaining to what extent the regime tailored its appeal to fit regional peculiarities. The most perishable and inaccessible documentation-street pamphlets and intra-party memoranda and publications-has not been available to this author. ![]() The Peronist popular press, especially Democracia, could yield significant new data. Nevertheless, certain gaps should be noted. These sources, while by no means exhaustive, reflect a reasonable cross-section of Peronist attitudes. This documentation has been supplemented by Eva Perón’s statements, the writings of Peronist propagandists of divergent political origins and trajectories, and the regime’s official publications. This includes material directed to the nation at large, the military, Peronist militants, workers and a variety of interest and professional groups. Many of Perón’s speeches and most of his writings from 1943 to 1953 have been examined. Perón representated the same historical phenomenon as Hitler and Mussolini…”Ħ The conclusions of this article are tentative and not based on a comprehensive survey of all Peronist literature. “The bulk of his supporters were the lower middle class immigrants who poured into the country from impoverished Italy after the second world war… The new arrivals cheered El Lider as they had cheered Il Duce for two decades. The London Economist recently described the advent of Peronism as an instant replay of Italian Fascism. Certain anti-Peronists and a number of foreign commentators grudgingly admit that the movement had political and ideological content, but then label it as an imported fascist interlude, an alien virus that infected the body politic of Argentina just as it neared the end of the long march towards liberal democracy. Some supporters of the regime echo its propaganda by picturing Perón as taking the first great strides toward a politically free, economically independent and socially just Argentina. Many anti-Peronists have dismissed their bête noire as an unprincipled demagogue, motivated solely by political opportunism and an insatiable desire to retain power. In the quarter century since Perón's first fall from power, numerous efforts have been made to explain, glorify or denigrate his regime. Despite its crucial importance to the development of twentieth century Argentina and the volumes of scholarly, journalistic and partisan exegesis the movement has generated, historians have yet to reach a minimal consensus on the nature of Peronism.
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